The European Debt Crisis, continued . . .

February 9, 2012

On July 16, 2010, when the debt crisis that currently engulfs Europe was still beginning to take shape, I discussed the Implications of European De-Integration for International Law, in a short post on this blog.  In the post, I predicted that the fiscal crises would have major implications for the future of European integration and that—unlike the original euro project—efforts to deal with the crisis “will not be the result of a popular policy preference, but instead will be the product of an external constraint on the ability of European economies to remain integrated without spiraling into chaos.”

Since the Summer of 2010, events have not taken a positive turn, and hopes of finding an easy resolution to the problem of rapidly increasing public debt in several Eurozone countries have deteriorated.   It is now clear that the Eurozone as initially constituted is a failure, and will need to be revamped and remade in a new, and largely unrecognizable, form.  Whether the future of the euro and Eurozone lies in radical integration or in disintegration at this point remains uncertain.

Some of the basic ideas in the original blog post have been fleshed out in an article that I published in Volume 17 of the Columbia Journal of European Law, entitled Implications of European Disintegration for International Law.  The Article explains the structural problems with the euro system which make the current crisis so intractable, and also offers some lessons for international law more generally.  From the abstract:

The European debt crisis that started in 2009 has revealed underlying structural problems in the European Monetary Union, threatening the viability of the common currency in its current form. An unraveling of monetary coordination in Europe would mark a significant event of disintegration, in the face of a decades-long trend of integration that was commonly considered an inevitable and self-sustaining process.

This Article argues that even a reasonable possibility of disintegration of this magnitude upsets previous theorizing about European integration which over-emphasized the EU’s “supranational” character.

More generally, disintegration poses serious problems for international law scholarship across the ideological spectrum, much of which has organized itself around the historically contingent trend of integration as if it were an a-historical given. The debt crises reveals that use of Europe by both “Skeptical” and “Cosmopolitan” international law scholars is largely an opportunistic rhetorical strategy that conceals fundamental weaknesses of both viewpoints in their debate over the limits and promise of international legalization and cooperation.


The prohibition of surrogate motherhood in France

January 31, 2012

The French prohibition of surrogate motherhood, resting on moral and ethical considerations, raises complex issues of private international law.

Surrogate motherhood has been prohibited in France since 1991, under a decision by the Cour de cassation (France’s highest court), (Cass. Ass. plén., 31/05/1991). This prohibition was confirmed in the bioethics law of 1994, and is codified in article 16-7 of French Civil Code (“Civil Code”). Article 16-9 of the Civil Code makes this a prohibition of public order (In France, prohibitions of ordre public or public order are mandatory rules created unilaterally by the state to protect fundamental values of the society, and from which parties have no freedom to derogate. A foreign law applicable under a conflict of laws analysis would be evicted if contrary to a mandatory rule). A surrogacy contract is null and void, and violations are punished by civil and criminal sanctions (civil sanctions are described in articles 311-25, 325 and 332-1 of the Civil Code and criminal sanctions at articles 227-12 §3 and 227-13 of the Penal Code).

The prohibition is justified by different moral and ethical concerns: to prevent children from becoming commodities traded as merchandise between infertile couples and surrogate mothers; to protect the interest of children who are psychologically at risk in such transaction; and to prevent the exploitation of surrogate mothers who must relinquish parental rights to the child after giving birth. Surrogate mothers are usually from lower economic strata and are economically exploited in this transaction. Statistically there is an inherent social division in this practice. This is evinced by the fact that most surrogacy contracts require compensation because very few women would bear someone else’s child for free. This social division is not new – surrogate mothers were slaves in the days of the Bible and Ancient Rome.

Read the rest of this entry »


Video of our fall symposium, From Rights to Reality: Beth Simmons’s Mobilizing for Human Rights and Its Intersection with International Law, is now available!

December 9, 2011

Panel 2:

Panel 3:

Panel 4:


Fall 2011 Issue and Opinio Juris

December 7, 2011

The Fall 2011 issue of the Journal of International Law and Politics will soon be available at our official NYU website.  Stay tuned for our online discussion hosted by Opinio Juris featuring reactions from leading scholars to the following three articles:


Fall Symposium – October 14, 2011

October 10, 2011

On October 14, 2011, NYU School of Law will host a symposium entitled “From Rights to Reality: Beth Simmons’s Mobilizing for Human Rights and its Intersection with International Law.  The Journal of International Law and Politics is proud to co-sponsor this event with the International Law Society and Law Students for Human Rights.  It will examine Beth Simmons’s award-winning book, “Mobilizing for Human Rights: International Law in Domestic Politics,” and present reactions from leading scholars on the empirical effects and theoretical implications of promoting human rights through the instruments of international law.  Please RSVP here.

For more information, please visit our Symposium Page.


Our New Summer Issue (43:4)

October 10, 2011

Our summer 2011 issue is now available online at our official NYU website.

Also check out our book annotations.


Issue: Fall 2010

April 17, 2011

The Fall 2010 issue of the Journal of International Law and Politics is available at our official NYU website.  The contents are as follows:

The new issue also comes with our usual batch of book annotations.  In this issue, our staff reviews books by Burrus M. Carnahan, Michael Gross, Peter Jan Honigsburg, Franziska Humbert, David Kinley, James L. Nolan, Jr., Michael Scharf & Paul Williams, and Siobhan Wills.  We also cover several new edited volumes: Avant, Finnemore, and Sell’s study of global governance; Bowden, Charlesworth, and Farrall’s volume on post-conflict issues; and Steven Roach’s volume on the International Criminal Court.


The Amendment of Spain’s Arbitration Act: A Promising But Unfinished Agenda

March 15, 2011
By Guillermo Bayas Fernández
Attorney-at-law in Spain
Fundación Rafael del Pino scholar
NYU LL.M. Candidate, Class of 2011

Abstract

Last September, the Spanish Government sent to the Parliament a bill (the Bill) to reform the current Spanish Arbitration Act (Ley 60/2003, de 23 de diciembre, de Arbitraje), which is now being discussed in Congress. The Bill improves different aspects of the existing regulation, mainly those concerning the action to set aside the award, arbitrators’ liability, arbitration of corporate disputes and the effect of insolvency proceedings on arbitration agreements. However, the possible suppression of dissenting opinions prejudices arbitration and the regulation on challenge of judicial jurisdiction favors frivolous attempts to avoid abiding by arbitration agreements. respective  Additionally, the proposed assignment of functions among judicial bodies in arbitration issues lacks coherence and does not create a long-demanded unification appeal on arbitration matters. While this article welcomes some of the intended modifications, it raises concerns that Spain might be losing a unique opportunity to adopt a modern regulation that would advance its chances of becoming a prime international arbitration seat.

Read the rest of this entry »


Further Developing the ‘Playstation Mentality’

November 28, 2010

By Graham Dumas (J.D. Candidate 2011)

Philip Alston famously described the use of drones by the U.S. military and the CIA as potentially leading to a “playstation mentality,” in which the human and capital costs of strikes are so decreased from the perspective of the striking force that fewer precautions are taken in conducting such strikes. The criticism is valid, although it has been refuted by government lawyers from Harold Koh on down.

Yet reduced costs may not have universally negative results. Michael Walzer, in his seminal work Just and Unjust Wars, wrote about the moral duty on combatants to expose themselves to further risk in order to save the lives of civilians caught in combat zones. With drones, however, especially the land-based models described recently in the New York Times, the reduction or even elimination of risk to the human operator could make it easier for the military to warn effectively the civilian population ahead of or during operations. What is more, the moral ambiguity of using human soldiers as tools for the aim of reducing civilian casualties, which arises from the government’s duty to ensure (as far as possible) the right to life of its own forces, all but disappears with the use of drones.

One of the most effective uses of robotic vehicles in combat, then, may not be to kill the enemy, but to warn the innocent. The “playstation mentality” may thus reduce the apparent costs of giving effective advance warning to non-combatants–forces will be more willing to go farther to warn, just as they have been in executing strikes. Taking it a step further, there could be a legitimate argument that, as militaries acquire drone technology, they could become bound by article 57 of Additional Protocol I to use those drones to ascertain the status of potential targets and to ensure that civilians are not threatened during operations.

This is, of course, not to exonerate or justify the use of drones in warfare; the position I take is neutral and without prejudice to, for example, the U.S. military’s campaign of Predator strikes in the Af-Pak region.


Louis Henkin in JILP

November 16, 2010

In memory of Louis Henkin, who died last month in New York, I recently took to the archives, to see whether any of his work had found its way into the NYU Journal of International Law and Politics.  While Henkin’s byline never appeared in any of JILP’s forty-two volumes, his work nevertheless left a mark on our pages.

In the seventh volume of JILP, a review of Henkin’s Foreign Affairs and the Constitution recognized the supreme importance of this work to the field of U.S. foreign relations law.  (7 N.Y.U. J. Int’l L. & Pol. 203.)  Henkin, Stanley Futterman wrote, spoke with “the natural modesty and courage of the true teacher.”  But our reviewer soon takes  a more critical stance in light of Henkin’s discussion of Vietnam. Read the rest of this entry »


Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.